Last week, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau made his international debut at the annual meeting of the Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) Forum in Manila. Although the headlines often focused on Trudeau’s looks, this forum of 21 Pacific Rim member economies provided the perfect opportunity for the new prime minister to signal to the world that Canada is indeed back in the game.
Beneath
all the buzz, photos and fanfare that ensued Trudeau’s debut, there are some
compelling reasons for Canada to pay more attention to the Asia-Pacific region,
and to take advantage of the warm welcome that Trudeau received in his meetings
with high-profile leaders from APEC.
The Liberal majority in the latest federal election came as a
surprise to many observers, but it was in part a reflection of the widespread
concern that Canada was losing its influence in the world under the Harper
government. Canadians voted for change, for a Canada that can serve as a
constructive, pragmatic and influential force in international affairs. With an ambitious agenda, Prime Minister Trudeau
vowed to regain Canada’s influence and voice on the international stage. Doing
so would require a careful assessment of our interests, goals and strategies –
and most importantly, it would mean taking Asia seriously in devising Canada’s
new foreign policy.
For
starters, it must be remembered that Canada is a Pacific state and our
relationship in the Asia-Pacific region is one that transcends trade deals. Our
historic ties date back to the late 19th century when Canadian missionaries
served as human bridges. Canada sent one of the largest troops to the Korean
War, recognized the People’s Republic of China in 1970 (under Pierre E.
Trudeau), and has a vibrant and active community of Asian diasporas. Today, about
60 percent of all new immigration to Canada comes from Asia. In turning east, Canada must be prepared to re-engage
with Asia on diplomacy, security, and humanitarian and disaster relief efforts.
There have been positive developments in the recent past. For
example, Canada’s Free Trade Agreement with Korea has come into force as of
January 2015, our first FTA in the Asia-Pacific region. However, Canada’s
engagement with East Asia under Harper tended to be halting and
one-dimensional, as it was nearly exclusively focused on trade and investment
ties. For Canada to regain its reputation as a constructive and “honest
broker,” Prime Minister Trudeau must undertake a shift away from an episodic
approach to the region and devise a comprehensive strategy, encompassing sound
policy measures, careful resource allocation and measurable outcomes. The
gravity of security challenges in the Asia-Pacific region is such that if left
untackled, they run the risk of derailing its economic dynamism. Canada’s
economic interests in Asia cannot be seen in isolation from strategic
dimensions, especially while military expenditures continue to rise in Asia and
geopolitical rivalries threaten regional stability and prosperity.
To
be sure, a crucial component of the new Canadian government’s foreign
policy will centre around economic issues, starting with the Trans-Pacific
Partnership (TPP). The full text of more than 6,000 pages of TPP was only released
on Nov 5 and the Liberal government has made it clear that while they are “pro-trade,”
it will be up to Parliament to fully debate the deal. TPP is arguably the largest free trade
deal in the world, with new opportunities and challenges. Covering 40 percent of the global
economy ($28 trillion), the 12 countries of TPP are expected to grow even
larger and account for 50 percent of global GDP by 2050. To put this into
perspective, 21 countries that make up APEC represent about 2.8 billion people,
and the Asia-Pacific region remains as the world’s fastest engine of economic
growth, the highest concentration of military capacity, and the locus of increasing
political power, with China at its epicentre. In debating the costs and
benefits of TPP, the invisible side of the debate – namely the strategic value
of a greater integration with the Asia-Pacific region — should not be
forgotten.
On the diplomatic front, Prime Minister Trudeau started off his
tenure on the right foot during the recent G20 summit in Turkey and APEC forum in the Philippines,
where he met with the leaders of China, Japan and South Korea. China’s Xi
Jinping and South Korea’s Park Geun-Hye, in particular, have publicly heaped
praise on the new Prime Minister and expressed hope for a greater cooperation. President
Park, after highlighting Pierre E. Trudeau’s role in shaping Canada’s modern
trajectory was integral to raising Canada’s stature in the world, stressed to
the new Prime Minister: “…likewise I do trust that
you will serve the cause of peace and prosperity in the Asia Pacific as well.”
What should Canada’s new approach to
Asia look like?
For starters, Canada must re-gain its diplomatic credibility in
the Asia-Pacific region and be ready to promote peace and stability. With our rich
tradition in advancing global humanitarianism, Canada has a unique advantage
when it comes to conflict mediation and negotiation. The voice of a neutral
third-party would be welcomed in a region where territorial disputes abound and
nationalist forces undermine dialogue. In addition to the North-South division
on the Korean peninsula, tensions remain high in the South China Sea, where
China has been locked in territorial disputes with several Southeast Asian
countries. Canada’s traditional partners in the region, most recently South
Korea, have been calling for Canada to make a greater contribution to regional
peace.
On defence and security, there are many creative ways in which
Canada can engage, ranging anywhere from cyber security to joint training for United
Nations peacekeeping operations to emerging norms such as the Responsibility to
Protect (R2P). Countries like South Korea and Japan have recently emerged as
new champions of R2P by appointing National R2P Focal Points. The on-going
humanitarian crisis in North Korea is a cause for concern, and the report from
the UN Commission of Inquiry has spelled out precisely how Kim Jong-un’s regime
is committing crimes against humanity. Having fought in the Korean War and as a
champion of the concept of human security, Canada has a vested strategic
interest in going beyond the observer to the situation in North Korea but actively
engaging diplomatically to promote a peaceful resolution.
Humanitarian assistance and disaster relief is another channel
through which Canada can make a meaningful difference in the Asia-Pacific
region. This is particularly relevant from the perspective of global climate
change, which will likely increase the frequency of natural disasters. Through
a number of regional forums, South Korea has been actively working on
establishing a framework for disaster management and emergency response in the
Asia-Pacific region. There is room for closer cooperation between Canada and
Korea, notably on risk management, emergency preparedness, contingency planning
and infrastructure development.
Canada must also be strategic in strengthening its comparative
advantage and investing more in innovative sectors, as the new agreements such
as the TPP and the CKFTA will surely open the door for more competition. As a
state that has so heavily relied on primary industries and on trade with the
United States for much of its existence, Canada needs to shift its gears in
order to increase its competitiveness. This will require, for instance, making
better use of foreign-educated talents in our key industries, working on
regulatory issues, easing barriers to entry and investing in technological
innovation. Institutions such as MaRS Discovery District in Toronto, which
foster a “start-up” culture and nurture young entrepreneurs, provide useful
starting points for switching on our innovative gears, and more investments
must be made in our higher education sectors.
Developments in Asia inevitably affect us, and we risk losing our influence by standing on the sidelines or failing to form a coherent long-term strategy that reflects our values and interests. “We’re back,” Trudeau boldly claimed the day after his election victory. This pledge must now be accompanied by a significant shift in approach to what is arguably the most influential region in the world.
Benoit Hardy-Chartrand and Tina J. Park are contributors to Mutual Security in the Asia-Pacific: Roles for Australia, Canada and South Korea, published by CIGI on Nov. 30, 2015.
