It’s Time for Canada to Follow Europe’s Lead on Visa Liberalization for Kosovo

January 1^st 2025 marked  the one-year anniversary of Kosovo achieving visa liberalization for the Schengen zone, which is made up of 29 European countries who do not have internal border controls and allow common-visa travel across its member states. This includes all European Union (EU) countries, except Ireland and Cyprus, as well as non-EU nations, Iceland, Norway, Switzerland, and Liechtenstein. Achieving visa liberalization has meant that for a full year Kosovo passport holders have been allowed to travel to 27 European countries without a visa, for up to 90 days in any 180-day period. This milestone was particularly significant, as Kosovo was the last country in the Western Balkans to secure this right. 

Canada’s typically cautious approach to international relations often involves waiting for other countries to test new policies and then following suit once the results are clear. Although no policy is without its challenges, in the case of EU visa liberalization the challenges have been minor and manageable, and the benefits have been major and tangible. For European countries that have tested visa liberalization for Kosovo, the results have been overwhelmingly positive. Indeed, it is time Canada followed their lead and began granting visa-free access to Kosovo citizens.  Such a move would  strengthen Canada’s ties to Kosovo and further promote political, economic and cultural ties between the two nations.

The Road to Europe 

Achieving visa liberalization was the culmination of more than a decade of efforts by successive Kosovar governments to grant their citizens the freedom to travel within Europe. Despite fulfilling all the requirements for visa-free Schengen travel by 2018, the final approval was delayed due to concerns by some countries, most notably France and the Netherlands, about a potential surge in migration. Five members of the Schengen zone, that do not recognize Kosovo’s independence – Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia, and Spain, also opposed the move 

For Kosovo’s citizens, the “road to Europe” has been long and arduous. Visa liberalization came despite, at times, firm opposition from some EU leaders. For example, even after the EU announced that visa-free travel would be granted, France’s President Emmanuel Macron warned that France might not comply. Just months before visa liberalization was set to take effect, Macron cautioned that France’s visa policy promises would “be reviewed if both parties do not behave responsibly.” Here, “both parties” refers to the governments of Kosovo and Serbia, who have been engaged in a complex and at times faltering dialogue aimed at normalizing relations – a process tied to both Kosovo and Serbia’s  EU accession. 

Macron’s comments were quickly opposed by both those within Kosovo and the EU. Kosovo’s president, Vjosa Osmani, warned that any delay or suspension would “kill the dialogue once and for all” and the Rapporteur for Kosovo in the European Parliament, Viola von Cramon of Germany, tweeted “We want to be crystal clear – visa-free travel is not and should not be linked to the Dialogue with Serbia; [the] EU has to keep its promise allowing the citizens of Kosovo to travel freely as of January 1, 2024.”

Opposition, as mentioned, also arose from the five EU countries that do not recognize Kosovo’s independence: Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia, and Spain. The most vocal among them was Spain, whose refusal to recognize Kosovo’s statehood is rooted in its own internal struggles with separatist movements. Even as liberalization efforts were poised to begin, Spain maintained its position, despite the efforts of EU diplomats to convince them otherwise. In the spring of 2023, following a meeting with German diplomats, Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares reaffirmed this stance, saying his country’s non-recognition of statehood “entails the non-recognition of Kosovo passports.” 

Concerns about visa liberalization were not limited to the EU; they were also voiced within Kosovo itself. Similar to many other nations, Kosovo faces the potential risk of a population crisis. Kosovo, like several Eastern European and Balkan nations, struggles with the outflow of its youth. This phenomenon, often referred to as “brain drain,” occurs as young people seek opportunities abroad. Leading up to visa liberalization, analysts warned of a potential mass exodus to the EU, with some likening the potential impact on Kosovo to an “earthquake”. The concerns were threefold: first, that Kosovars visiting EU countries might apply for asylum; second, that they might stay and work there without authorization; and third, that even Kosovars who returned home after their travels to Europe might become disillusioned with their living conditions and eventually seek to emigrate legally.

Despite the widespread alarm over visa liberalization, some, including journalist Augustin Palokaj, took a more nuanced approach and questioned the prevailing panic. He remarked, “The ease with which various analysts predict how many people will leave Kosovo as a result of visa liberalization is somewhat surprising. The relatively large departure of Kosovars had already been occurring prior to liberalization. Therefore, while this phenomenon may continue, or even increase, it is important to recognize that liberalization is not the root cause.”

This perspective offered a more tempered view, suggesting that the migration trend was not a direct consequence of visa liberalization , but rather part of a broader, ongoing movement. Some analysts even argued that the threat of young people leaving could serve as a wake-up call for both the government and employers, urging them to improve living and working conditions. In this light, potential disillusionment caused by travel to the EU could be seen not as a challenge but as an incentive for policy reforms aimed at creating opportunities that would encourage young people to remain in Kosovo.

Despite the insistence by some that visa liberalization should be tied to Kosovo/Serbia relations, and the warnings from others that it would lead to an unwanted flood of Kosovars settling in Western Europe, the EU nevertheless followed through on their much-delayed promise of visa liberalization. 

The Results 

It has now been a year since the policy was enacted and the results have been overwhelmingly positive. 

Ultimately, all five countries that do not recognize Kosovo’s independence – Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia, and Spain –  supported visa liberalization. These nations, which had initially opposed the measure, not only allowed the liberalization but also began actively encouraging visitors from Kosovo to support their own economies. For example, in Greece, Kosovars were spending over a million euros every weekend in the early months following the visa liberalization. Even Spain, the most vocal opponent, eventually liberalized visas – albeit seven days later than the rest. 

In November, nearly a year after visa liberalization, the United Nations Development Programme released an in-depth report analyzing liberalization’s impact on Kosovo’s economy and the demographics of those who have travelled since the policy took effect. The report highlighted  that citizens of Kosovo understand that visa liberalization allows them to travel without a visa but does not grant them the right to work or reside in the EU. While analysts correctly predicted that many Kosovars would leave the country, they misjudged the nature of their travel. A year in, reports show that the vast majority of Kosovo citizens who travelled to Europe did so temporarily, as tourists, in line with the program’s intent. In the first year of visa liberalization, half a million citizens of Kosovo left the country, with only 10% failing to return on time and of those, only 3,905 were requests for asylum in EU countries. Half a million citizens of Kosovo visiting the EU in 2024 stands in stark contrast to the pre-liberalization period, when only 20,040 of the 268,846 visa applications submitted by Kosovo citizens to Schengen zone countries were approved.

Not only did the concerns fail to materialize, but the benefits were also evident almost immediately. The spending of the hundreds of thousands of Kosovars who had previously been unable to visit the EU created substantial economic activity in the tourism sector. Air traffic to and from Kosovo also increased by 22% within months of liberalization, as several airlines expanded their flight offerings. Telecommunication companies also introduced new SIM cards to facilitate communication across Europe.

However, no policy is without its challenges. Although the majority of Kosovars who took advantage of the newfound freedom to travel ultimately returned home, the EU has highlighted a notable increase in unfounded asylum requests from Kosovar citizens within the Schengen zone. While the reported 108% rise in asylum requests by citizens of Kosovo may seem alarming, it still accounts for less than 1% of the 500,000 Kosovars who traveled to Europe. It is also important to note that the EU report was careful to point out that these requests were unfounded and EU officials have long maintained that “In the case of Kosovo, there is almost no chance that asylum requests will be accepted.” Despite critics citing these figures to oppose the liberalization process, EU officials maintain that the rise in requests does not jeopardize the policy. They expect that in the coming years, individuals will be less likely to risk the substantial costs associated with pursuing asylum based on unfounded claims, knowing that they will ultimately be returned to Kosovo.

The benefits of visa liberalization were also felt within Kosovo. Within weeks, businesses began to raise wages, improve working conditions, and offer health insurance. One report indicated that 79% of businesses increased wages by an average of 22%, with 33% planning further wage hikes to remain competitive and retain employees. Additionally, 24% of businesses reported intentions to enhance working conditions in other areas. This shift in business practices demonstrates how the threat of youth migration can serve as a catalyst for positive change. 

While the economic benefits of visa liberalization are important, the human dimension of these policies is just as significant. In addition to reporting the economic benefits of liberalization, new sources have highlighted the positive effects on the lives of Kosovo’s citizens, many of whom have family abroad. One such story is that of a 62-year-old flower shop owner, who had long dreamed of visiting her son in Germany but was deterred by the complicated and expensive visa process, as well as the unlikelihood of being granted one. Following the change on January 1^st, she was thrilled to finally be able to visit her son in Munich. She expressed her determination not to miss any more of her grandchildren’s milestones, yet she was quick to add that, despite her excitement, she had no intention of moving abroad and would always return to her flower shop. There are thousands of similar stories from Kosovars who have long dreamed of visiting their friends and family in Europe, yet resigned themselves to the belief that such a visit would likely never happen. 

The positive results from a year of visa-free travel across Europe highlight the benefits of such policies, not only for the citizens of Kosovo but also for the countries they visit. The fears of mass migration or asylum seekers that initially dominated the discourse have proven to be largely unfounded, while the economic and social benefits are undeniable. Kosovo’s citizens have demonstrated responsible use of their new freedom, and the ripple effects of increased tourism, economic activity, and stronger connections with family members abroad underscore the value of such a policy. 

The cautious – and typically Canadian – approach to issues of immigration and international relations is to let other countries take the risk and the follow suit only when the results are in. Well, Canadians can rest assured that the countries of Europe have tested the policy and the coast is clear, and it is time Canada follows suit. 

The Canadian Context 

Last year marked two significant milestones: the 25^th anniversary of the arrival of 7,000 Kosovar refugees in Canada and the 16^th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Canada and Kosovo. To commemorate these milestones, events were held across the country to celebrate the strong ties between the two nations and the contributions of individuals born in Kosovo who are now Canadian citizens. These initiatives included the launch of the Canadian Museum of Immigration’s special exhibition, Operation Parasol: Urgent Need, Swift Action; a concert featuring renowned Kosovar operatic tenor Rame Lahaj and the Toronto Philharmonic Orchestra, organized by the Embassy of the Republic of Kosovo in Canada; and a two-day symposium hosted by Carleton University and the Bill Graham Centre for Contemporary International History, partially funded by a $25,000 federal SSHRC Connection Grant. There were also local events held in communities across Canada. 

These events received widespread attention from both the media and politicians from all parties. At each event, speakers praised the enduring relationship between Canada and Kosovo, as well as the important role of the Kosovar community in Canadian society. At the symposium, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau delivered video greetings, Minister of Immigration Marc Miller sent a letter, and both current and former Liberal and Conservative Members of Parliament attended. Amidst the praise for the strong relations between the two nations and the appreciation shown for the Kosovars who have built their lives in Canada, there was something left unspoken. Despite the recognition of their contributions and the celebration of their integration, the reality  that 25 years later, many members of this community cannot easily have their friends and family visit the country they now call home. 

Whether or not they have family here, citizens of Kosovo are required to apply for a visitor visa to visit Canada. The process is both lengthy and costly, involving multiple steps such as submitting an application, completing biometrics, mailing the application to the Canadian visa office in Vienna, and enduring an extensive processing time. As of now, the processing time stands at 337 days – an increase from 257 days just a few months ago, highlighting the growing delays in the system. This complicated, expensive, and time-consuming process stands in stark contrast to the welcoming rhetoric often expressed at public events, creating a disconnect between  praise for the community’s integration and the challenges they face welcoming loved ones.

Unlike the EU, Canada does not readily provide statistics on the number of visa applications, acceptance rates, or rejection rates, and my requests for this information have yet to be fulfilled. Many members of the community also share their frustrations about the high costs and bureaucratic complexities involved in applying for visas for family members, only to face rejection. In fact, a significant number say they have stopped attempting to apply altogether. In each case of rejection, the reason cited was “insufficient proof of return.” This suggests that like the EU  Canada is also concerned that if able to, citizens of Kosovo would come to Canada and not leave. 

The concern that Kosovo citizens might claim asylum upon arriving in Canada, and refuse to return, is not well-supported by current data. Canada receives very few asylum claims from Kosovo. Of the 137,947 persecution claims referred to the Refugee Protection Division in 2023, only 35 were from Kosovo. For comparison, 26 claims were received from Swedish citizens, and 157 claims from United States visitors , despite citizens of neither country requiring visitor visas to enter Canada. These statistics suggest that concerns about asylum seekers from Kosovo are unwarranted. Even if Canada were to experience the same percentage increase in asylum claims as EU  countries – an unlikely scenario given Canada’s distance and desirability for citizens of Kosovo – it would result in only 72 claims. Finally, it is crucial to note that what too-often gets overlooked in discussions about visa liberalization and potential “unwanted” migration through asylum-seeking is the fact that seeking asylum is a fundamental human right. This right is enshrined in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and reaffirmed in the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol. 

Final Thoughts 

The assumption that citizens of Kosovo would readily abandon their lives to move to the EU or to Canada reflects Western colonial attitudes that view the West as inherently desirable, while overlooking the deep ties people have to their homelands and the value of the lives they lead. Even when there are reports in Canada of dissatisfaction with the economy or job prospects, and expressed desires to leave one’s home country, this does not always translate to a genuine willingness to make such a significant move.

In the case of my own family, five separate relatives have applied to visit us in Canada, and all five were rejected due to “insufficient proof of return.” However, this year, my aunt re-applied and her application was successful. She came to Canada for three weeks in November, during which she visited the farmers’ market in St. Jacobs, casinos in Niagara Falls, the CN Tower in Toronto, and nearly all of the museums in Ottawa. Her previous rejection, based on “insufficient proof of return,” became a running joke during her stay. Ultimately, she returned at the end of her visit as planned, adding with a final joke, “The poutine wasn’t worth staying for.” Like the flower-shop owner who was excited to visit her son in Germany post-visa liberalization, my aunt returned to her life in Kosovo which includes a husband, kids, grandkids, a home, and a job. 

As for the other four relatives whose visa applications were rejected, they have since traveled to Germany, France, Austria, Greece, and other European destinations, spending  money that could have been spent in Canada. And, like Canadians after their vacations, they’ve returned to their lives, homes, and jobs, already looking forward to their next adventure.

If the Canadian government were to follow the EU’s lead, theirs and other Kosovar citizen’s next adventure could be here. Although it is doubtful that Canada would receive the half a million Kosovar tourists that the EU did, the ones who did come, no matter how many, would be spending their tourist dollars in Canada, potentially reuniting with family, all while strengthening Canada’s ties to Kosovo and further promoting economic and cultural exchanges between the two nations.